CNN DEBATE 2/22/2012 IN ARIZONA LAST NITE
Source-Washington Post/Right Turns blog Jennifer Rubin
Meet Foster Friess, Rick Santorum’s super PAC patron
By Jennifer Rubin
Foster Friess (pronounced “freeze”), the person and not the ice cream franchise, was not a household name before December 25, 2011. Then Rick Santorum shot up from 5 percent in the Iowa polls and eventually went on to win the caucuses. As a result, his longtime friend and major superPAC donor became a bit of a celebrity. But unlike a blasé Hollywood newcomer, Friess is plainly having the time of his life. I spoke to him by phone over the weekend.
He jokes that the left-wing blog Daily Kos dubbed him a “billionaire.” Friess jokes, “My wife came to me and said, ‘Have you been holding out on me?’ People asked, ‘So what are you — a multimillionaire?’ I like to say a billionaire wanna-be.” Most people would call him, “really rich.” His is a rags-to-riches story not unlike the father of Santorum’s chief rival, Mitt Romney. Friess is a first-generation college graduate. He later made his fortune in investment funds. The New York Times reported, “Like donors to rival super PACs, Mr. Friess ranks among the country’s leading patrons of Republican and conservative causes. He has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Republican Party and candidates in recent years, including to Mr. Santorum’s two chief rivals for the presidential nomination, Mr. Romney and Mr. Gingrich, to whom Mr. Friess donated last spring. Late last year, Mr. Friess gave $100,000 to Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin to help fend off a Democratic-led recall effort.”
In Santorum’s case, he’s given through the Red, White and Blue Fund super PAC, which started on a shoe-string and is now flush with cash. Friess says since Santorum’s unexpected success, donors have come out of the woodwork. “A guy from Phoenix called and said, ‘A lot of my pals are giving to Romney, but I want to help Rick.’” He jokes that with all the support Santorum is getting he could hand the baton over to other fundraisers. But it is evident he’s having far too much fun to do that.
Sixteen years ago, Friess heard Santorum deliver a speech. Part way through the remarks, Fries recounts, “I saw the authenticity of the guy.” Shortly thereafter Friess held a fundraiser. “He’s been bringing in 10 or 15 thousand, and I raised $85,000 in my home. That was a lot at that stage for him.” Friess says that once Santorum left office, the two became closer, playing golf and spending more time together.
Unlike many superPAC donors and ordinary big GOP donors, Friess hasn’t remained in the shadows. In fact, he introduced Santorum for his CPAC speech, an indication of how close the two are. He tells me, “I can’t remember who asked [me to speak]. I’ve often introduced him. I introduced him last year.” But Friess dismisses the notion he’s now scripted by the campaign. “They had no idea what I’d say,” he says.
Friess and Santorum continue to spend time together. At CPAC, Friess was one of only a few advisers with Santorum in the suite during my interview. And he was there from the start. He recalls he spent two days in Iowa with Santorum traveling around in a Dodge truck. “At one point we had to drive four hours to get someplace. “We joked, ‘Hey Mitt’s probably flying over us in a jet.’” But he witnessed firsthand the intensity of interest in Santorum’s campaign.
He’s seen Santorum over a long span of time, debated politics with him and observed him up close in family settings. Friess is candid, “He was known in the House as very courageous but prickly.” He points to the Gang of Seven effort that uncovered the banking scandal. “He took on much more senior colleagues.” But Friess insists there has been a maturation process.
For weeks pundits chattered about a “new” Newt Gingrich. But Friess implicitly suggests there is a new Rick. Since the days in the House, Santorum, he says, “has been able to migrate into more joyfulness, although he is still combative.” Outside observers haven’t always seen that, and in early debates Santorum was criticized for seeming too intense or even angry. But Friess says that beginning in the Senate, Santorum changed. “All of us grow,” Friess says. “He migrated to be more conservative.” Friess attributes that to the “aging of experience an the faith journey” Santorum became more religious during that time, Fries recalls, in large part as a result of his Bible study classes.
He resisted the notion that Santorum was a big-spender in Congress. “Everyone in Congress, except for maybe Ron Paul and [Sen. John] McCain, have [voted] for earmarks.” He likes to say, “Rick is in recovery” from earmarks.
In a campaign in which the base seems to be searching for perfection, Friess cautions, “You’re not going to agree with him on everything. Hey, if you were looking for a perfect match, you’d never get married.” He declines to say on what topics he and Santorum disagree, but he paints a portrait of a candidate stalwart in his views. Santorum’s critics label this as “stubborn” or “strident,”but Friess sees things differently. “You might not agree with him, but you admire his integrity.”
Santorum has the advantage, but also the burden, of lacking a cadre of advisers, speechwriters and consultants. Early on, Santorum had no money for these hangers-on; now he seems to delight in talking about whatever he wants to and sticking to his convictions. Friess argues that this is “why Rick resonates.” As time goes on, however, Santorum may be hurt by some constructive advice. In New Hampshire for example, he engaged in wide-ranging town hall discussions with voters (arguing about gay rights, for example) which may have taken him off his populist economic message and contributed to his fourth place finish.
Santorum is not the sort of candidate who gathers policy advisers around to brainstorm or who goes through multiple speech drafts. He is the policy director and the speechwriter for the campaign. Friess says, “In Missouri we were all standing in the hall. Rick had two pages of notes. We were chatting; he was scribbling.” A few minutes later Santorum took to the stage to give his victory speech. Friess says Santorum “has the ability to think through things and not get distracted.” That focus has come in handy, but as the campaign grows larger, and certainly in the White House, Santorum would find it impossible to be a one-man band. (The Romney team characterizes Santorum as lacking executive experience and the sort of managerial authority needed to be an effective president.)
Friess has certainly become a believer in the Santorum message. He explains the theme of the CPAC speech: “Do you want to be ruled by rules and regulations or guided by principles and virtues.” The contrast between a “top-down” and a “bottom-up” society is a common message in Santorum’s speeches.
Friess is also more candid than a candidate. He says when he talked about wealthy people “self-taxing” he got some flak. But he says, “Even Romney, when you look at what he contributes [combined taxes and charity], gives about 40 percent of his income. What if I want to provide day care? I can spend my money or the government can tax me and then provide [the day care].” He says it is a matter of “how you want to help people.”
Friess finds it “stunning” that he is now in the limelight. He says he knows “people at my country club” and in Wyoming and Delaware (where he began his career), but he’s never been a public figure.
He recalls that he ran into trouble with a Reuters report that recounted:
Friess had no hesitation in bringing the Mormon Church, of which the Republican front-runner Mitt Romney is a member, into an attack on abuse of welfare benefits, suggesting, without explanation, that “little Mormon gals” were getting pregnant with rich men and taking welfare to pay for their babies.
He seemed to be saying this was as much a factor in the breakdown of society than a spin-off of Mormonism: “It’s not just because they are in the Mormon Church. It’s what has happened in America where typically Mormons would never ever take welfare — ever.”
Other candidates and their backers have generally avoided overt attacks on Mormonism, aware of the risk of trespassing on the widely respected right to freedom of religious belief.
Friess insists his statements weren’t anti-Mormon. But certainly, that was a lesson in the rough and tumble of presidential politics. Aside from that incident, however, he confesses that the press has been “so polite and kind.” Well, that may change if, as he hopes, Santorum gets the nomination.
For now, however, there is a “Gee, can you believe it?” quality to both Friess and the man whose campaign he’s generously funded. The left may not find it so endearing, but only in America could a “billionaire wanna-be” and a long-shot candidate, who is often mocked for his faith, team up to compete for the presidency. They may not win, but they are certainly enjoying the ride.
By Jennifer Rubin | 08:30 AM ET, 02/13/2012
By Jennifer Rubin
Foster Friess (pronounced “freeze”), the person and not the ice cream franchise, was not a household name before December 25, 2011. Then Rick Santorum shot up from 5 percent in the Iowa polls and eventually went on to win the caucuses. As a result, his longtime friend and major superPAC donor became a bit of a celebrity. But unlike a blasé Hollywood newcomer, Friess is plainly having the time of his life. I spoke to him by phone over the weekend.
He jokes that the left-wing blog Daily Kos dubbed him a “billionaire.” Friess jokes, “My wife came to me and said, ‘Have you been holding out on me?’ People asked, ‘So what are you — a multimillionaire?’ I like to say a billionaire wanna-be.” Most people would call him, “really rich.” His is a rags-to-riches story not unlike the father of Santorum’s chief rival, Mitt Romney. Friess is a first-generation college graduate. He later made his fortune in investment funds. The New York Times reported, “Like donors to rival super PACs, Mr. Friess ranks among the country’s leading patrons of Republican and conservative causes. He has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Republican Party and candidates in recent years, including to Mr. Santorum’s two chief rivals for the presidential nomination, Mr. Romney and Mr. Gingrich, to whom Mr. Friess donated last spring. Late last year, Mr. Friess gave $100,000 to Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin to help fend off a Democratic-led recall effort.”
In Santorum’s case, he’s given through the Red, White and Blue Fund super PAC, which started on a shoe-string and is now flush with cash. Friess says since Santorum’s unexpected success, donors have come out of the woodwork. “A guy from Phoenix called and said, ‘A lot of my pals are giving to Romney, but I want to help Rick.’” He jokes that with all the support Santorum is getting he could hand the baton over to other fundraisers. But it is evident he’s having far too much fun to do that.
Sixteen years ago, Friess heard Santorum deliver a speech. Part way through the remarks, Fries recounts, “I saw the authenticity of the guy.” Shortly thereafter Friess held a fundraiser. “He’s been bringing in 10 or 15 thousand, and I raised $85,000 in my home. That was a lot at that stage for him.” Friess says that once Santorum left office, the two became closer, playing golf and spending more time together.
Unlike many superPAC donors and ordinary big GOP donors, Friess hasn’t remained in the shadows. In fact, he introduced Santorum for his CPAC speech, an indication of how close the two are. He tells me, “I can’t remember who asked [me to speak]. I’ve often introduced him. I introduced him last year.” But Friess dismisses the notion he’s now scripted by the campaign. “They had no idea what I’d say,” he says.
Friess and Santorum continue to spend time together. At CPAC, Friess was one of only a few advisers with Santorum in the suite during my interview. And he was there from the start. He recalls he spent two days in Iowa with Santorum traveling around in a Dodge truck. “At one point we had to drive four hours to get someplace. “We joked, ‘Hey Mitt’s probably flying over us in a jet.’” But he witnessed firsthand the intensity of interest in Santorum’s campaign.
He’s seen Santorum over a long span of time, debated politics with him and observed him up close in family settings. Friess is candid, “He was known in the House as very courageous but prickly.” He points to the Gang of Seven effort that uncovered the banking scandal. “He took on much more senior colleagues.” But Friess insists there has been a maturation process.
For weeks pundits chattered about a “new” Newt Gingrich. But Friess implicitly suggests there is a new Rick. Since the days in the House, Santorum, he says, “has been able to migrate into more joyfulness, although he is still combative.” Outside observers haven’t always seen that, and in early debates Santorum was criticized for seeming too intense or even angry. But Friess says that beginning in the Senate, Santorum changed. “All of us grow,” Friess says. “He migrated to be more conservative.” Friess attributes that to the “aging of experience an the faith journey” Santorum became more religious during that time, Fries recalls, in large part as a result of his Bible study classes.
He resisted the notion that Santorum was a big-spender in Congress. “Everyone in Congress, except for maybe Ron Paul and [Sen. John] McCain, have [voted] for earmarks.” He likes to say, “Rick is in recovery” from earmarks.
In a campaign in which the base seems to be searching for perfection, Friess cautions, “You’re not going to agree with him on everything. Hey, if you were looking for a perfect match, you’d never get married.” He declines to say on what topics he and Santorum disagree, but he paints a portrait of a candidate stalwart in his views. Santorum’s critics label this as “stubborn” or “strident,”but Friess sees things differently. “You might not agree with him, but you admire his integrity.”
Santorum has the advantage, but also the burden, of lacking a cadre of advisers, speechwriters and consultants. Early on, Santorum had no money for these hangers-on; now he seems to delight in talking about whatever he wants to and sticking to his convictions. Friess argues that this is “why Rick resonates.” As time goes on, however, Santorum may be hurt by some constructive advice. In New Hampshire for example, he engaged in wide-ranging town hall discussions with voters (arguing about gay rights, for example) which may have taken him off his populist economic message and contributed to his fourth place finish.
Santorum is not the sort of candidate who gathers policy advisers around to brainstorm or who goes through multiple speech drafts. He is the policy director and the speechwriter for the campaign. Friess says, “In Missouri we were all standing in the hall. Rick had two pages of notes. We were chatting; he was scribbling.” A few minutes later Santorum took to the stage to give his victory speech. Friess says Santorum “has the ability to think through things and not get distracted.” That focus has come in handy, but as the campaign grows larger, and certainly in the White House, Santorum would find it impossible to be a one-man band. (The Romney team characterizes Santorum as lacking executive experience and the sort of managerial authority needed to be an effective president.)
Friess has certainly become a believer in the Santorum message. He explains the theme of the CPAC speech: “Do you want to be ruled by rules and regulations or guided by principles and virtues.” The contrast between a “top-down” and a “bottom-up” society is a common message in Santorum’s speeches.
Friess is also more candid than a candidate. He says when he talked about wealthy people “self-taxing” he got some flak. But he says, “Even Romney, when you look at what he contributes [combined taxes and charity], gives about 40 percent of his income. What if I want to provide day care? I can spend my money or the government can tax me and then provide [the day care].” He says it is a matter of “how you want to help people.”
Friess finds it “stunning” that he is now in the limelight. He says he knows “people at my country club” and in Wyoming and Delaware (where he began his career), but he’s never been a public figure.
He recalls that he ran into trouble with a Reuters report that recounted:
Friess had no hesitation in bringing the Mormon Church, of which the Republican front-runner Mitt Romney is a member, into an attack on abuse of welfare benefits, suggesting, without explanation, that “little Mormon gals” were getting pregnant with rich men and taking welfare to pay for their babies.
He seemed to be saying this was as much a factor in the breakdown of society than a spin-off of Mormonism: “It’s not just because they are in the Mormon Church. It’s what has happened in America where typically Mormons would never ever take welfare — ever.”
Other candidates and their backers have generally avoided overt attacks on Mormonism, aware of the risk of trespassing on the widely respected right to freedom of religious belief.
Friess insists his statements weren’t anti-Mormon. But certainly, that was a lesson in the rough and tumble of presidential politics. Aside from that incident, however, he confesses that the press has been “so polite and kind.” Well, that may change if, as he hopes, Santorum gets the nomination.
For now, however, there is a “Gee, can you believe it?” quality to both Friess and the man whose campaign he’s generously funded. The left may not find it so endearing, but only in America could a “billionaire wanna-be” and a long-shot candidate, who is often mocked for his faith, team up to compete for the presidency. They may not win, but they are certainly enjoying the ride.
By Jennifer Rubin | 08:30 AM ET, 02/13/2012
Source-FosterFriess blog.com
Renowned investor Foster Friess works to encourage private sector solutions to improve the lives of others
Born in Rice Lake, Wisconsin in 1940, Foster Friess is a first-generation college graduate. His mother dropped out of school in the eighth grade to pick cotton in order to save the family farm in Texas. His father dealt cattle and horses.
At Rice Lake High School, Foster says, “I was valedictorian, class president, student council president, and captain of the basketball, track, golf and baseball teams—all the things that are possible when only 16 kids are in your class!” he says with a wry smile before admitting that there were, in fact, 160.
At the University of Wisconsin, Foster earned a degree in business administration, served as president of his fraternity, was named one of the “ten most outstanding senior men,” and won the heart of “Badger Beauty” and Chi Omega president Lynnette Estes, whom he married in 1962. Two sons, two daughters, and eleven grandchildren followed.
Lacking enthusiasm about the prospects of being drafted as a private first class foot soldier, Foster enrolled in the Reserves Officer Training Corp at the University of Wisconsin. He trained as an Infantry Platoon Leader and served as an Intelligence Officer for the First Guided Missile Brigade in El Paso, TX.
In 1974, Foster and Lynn launched Friess Associates. The firm’s flagship, the Brandywine Fund, averaged 20 percent annual gains in the 1990s, causing Forbes magazine to name it one of the decade’s top mutual funds. Business Week heralded him as the “longest surviving successful growth stock picker” and CNBC’s Ron Insana dubbed him one of the “century’s great investors.”
Amidst this professional success, Foster says that his personal life struggled. Behind the scenes, he had “a marriage flirting with divorce and emotionally distant children.” Facing these challenges and bored with his success, he was receptive to Blaise Pascal’s notion: “Within each person is a God-shaped vacuum that only God can fill.”
In October of 1978, Foster says, “I did one of those ‘born again’ things and invited Jesus to become the ‘Chairman of the Board; of my life,” a decision to which he credits all subsequent successes, including those which saw the firm grow to a $15 billion portfolio and his personal relationships restored.
Foster has devoted significant resources to philanthropy. In 1999, the “Champ” himself awarded Foster the Muhammad Ali Humanitarian Award, and in 2000, at the National Charity Awards Dinner in Washington, D.C., Foster was named the “Humanitarian of the Year,” following in the footsteps of Coretta Scott King, Bob Hope, President George H.W. Bush, and Lady Bird Johnson. In 2009, Foster received the “Benefactor of the Year” Paul Weyrich Award. In 2010, he received the “Spirit of the Children Award,” given annually to Childhelp supporters who have generously given their time and good fortune to children’s causes.
Lynn and Foster gain their philanthropic inspiration from Galatians 6:2: “When we carry one another’s burdens we fulfill the law of Christ,” and Matthew 25:35-40, “When you do it for the least of my brethren, you do it for Me.” From supporting families of disabled children in Jackson, Wyoming, to assisting victims of Hurricane Katrina and the Haitian earthquake, Lynn and Foster engage in a wide scope of philanthropic activities.
Foster believes that private individuals are called to carry others’ burdens–rather than relying on the government to do so. In 1997, Foster told the organizers of the Grand Teton Musical Festival he would give them $40,000 if they refused $11,000 in government funding. They took him up on his offer.
As a top priority, Foster helps peaceful Muslims transcend the seventh-century ideology of coercion, intimidation, and violence that threatens us and them.
“This is the most threatening movement in the world today,” says Foster. “In fact, due to the growing numbers of teenage and pre-adolescent Muslims that are being recruited and trained in its anti-American ideology on a daily and weekly basis, this threat to our western way of life is more powerful than Nazism or even Communism ever was in the 1900s.”
Foster is also interested in “augmenting the news” to make it more informative and fair, and he is the major investor in the Daily Caller news website led by Tucker Carlson.
Through his web presence at FosterFriess.com and his Campfire Blog, Foster works to promote the Founding Father principles of free enterprise, limited constitutional government, fiscal responsibility, and traditional American values. He believes we can find effective, innovative private sector solutions to many of the problems we face.
Read a profile of Foster from WyoFile here! (about 6 pages/3,000 words)
Watch Foster’s acceptance of the Weyrich Award:
At the Western Conservative Summit in Denver, presented by the Centennial Institute, Foster discusses the importance of learning from our mistakes, addresses healthcare and ridiculous government spending , and advocates for a society of virtues and Christian values.
“Everybody in this room has had Good Fridays. We’ve had adversity. But yet there is the Easter. In our culture, there is always a new beginning. A new exciting start.”
Born in Rice Lake, Wisconsin in 1940, Foster Friess is a first-generation college graduate. His mother dropped out of school in the eighth grade to pick cotton in order to save the family farm in Texas. His father dealt cattle and horses.
At Rice Lake High School, Foster says, “I was valedictorian, class president, student council president, and captain of the basketball, track, golf and baseball teams—all the things that are possible when only 16 kids are in your class!” he says with a wry smile before admitting that there were, in fact, 160.
At the University of Wisconsin, Foster earned a degree in business administration, served as president of his fraternity, was named one of the “ten most outstanding senior men,” and won the heart of “Badger Beauty” and Chi Omega president Lynnette Estes, whom he married in 1962. Two sons, two daughters, and eleven grandchildren followed.
Lacking enthusiasm about the prospects of being drafted as a private first class foot soldier, Foster enrolled in the Reserves Officer Training Corp at the University of Wisconsin. He trained as an Infantry Platoon Leader and served as an Intelligence Officer for the First Guided Missile Brigade in El Paso, TX.
In 1974, Foster and Lynn launched Friess Associates. The firm’s flagship, the Brandywine Fund, averaged 20 percent annual gains in the 1990s, causing Forbes magazine to name it one of the decade’s top mutual funds. Business Week heralded him as the “longest surviving successful growth stock picker” and CNBC’s Ron Insana dubbed him one of the “century’s great investors.”
Amidst this professional success, Foster says that his personal life struggled. Behind the scenes, he had “a marriage flirting with divorce and emotionally distant children.” Facing these challenges and bored with his success, he was receptive to Blaise Pascal’s notion: “Within each person is a God-shaped vacuum that only God can fill.”
In October of 1978, Foster says, “I did one of those ‘born again’ things and invited Jesus to become the ‘Chairman of the Board; of my life,” a decision to which he credits all subsequent successes, including those which saw the firm grow to a $15 billion portfolio and his personal relationships restored.
Foster has devoted significant resources to philanthropy. In 1999, the “Champ” himself awarded Foster the Muhammad Ali Humanitarian Award, and in 2000, at the National Charity Awards Dinner in Washington, D.C., Foster was named the “Humanitarian of the Year,” following in the footsteps of Coretta Scott King, Bob Hope, President George H.W. Bush, and Lady Bird Johnson. In 2009, Foster received the “Benefactor of the Year” Paul Weyrich Award. In 2010, he received the “Spirit of the Children Award,” given annually to Childhelp supporters who have generously given their time and good fortune to children’s causes.
Lynn and Foster gain their philanthropic inspiration from Galatians 6:2: “When we carry one another’s burdens we fulfill the law of Christ,” and Matthew 25:35-40, “When you do it for the least of my brethren, you do it for Me.” From supporting families of disabled children in Jackson, Wyoming, to assisting victims of Hurricane Katrina and the Haitian earthquake, Lynn and Foster engage in a wide scope of philanthropic activities.
Foster believes that private individuals are called to carry others’ burdens–rather than relying on the government to do so. In 1997, Foster told the organizers of the Grand Teton Musical Festival he would give them $40,000 if they refused $11,000 in government funding. They took him up on his offer.
As a top priority, Foster helps peaceful Muslims transcend the seventh-century ideology of coercion, intimidation, and violence that threatens us and them.
“This is the most threatening movement in the world today,” says Foster. “In fact, due to the growing numbers of teenage and pre-adolescent Muslims that are being recruited and trained in its anti-American ideology on a daily and weekly basis, this threat to our western way of life is more powerful than Nazism or even Communism ever was in the 1900s.”
Foster is also interested in “augmenting the news” to make it more informative and fair, and he is the major investor in the Daily Caller news website led by Tucker Carlson.
Through his web presence at FosterFriess.com and his Campfire Blog, Foster works to promote the Founding Father principles of free enterprise, limited constitutional government, fiscal responsibility, and traditional American values. He believes we can find effective, innovative private sector solutions to many of the problems we face.
Read a profile of Foster from WyoFile here! (about 6 pages/3,000 words)
Watch Foster’s acceptance of the Weyrich Award:
At the Western Conservative Summit in Denver, presented by the Centennial Institute, Foster discusses the importance of learning from our mistakes, addresses healthcare and ridiculous government spending , and advocates for a society of virtues and Christian values.
“Everybody in this room has had Good Fridays. We’ve had adversity. But yet there is the Easter. In our culture, there is always a new beginning. A new exciting start.”
Source-Rick facts.com
Rick Santorum voted to raise the debt limit five times.
FACT: Santorum voted to increase the debt ceiling in 1997, 2002, 2003, 2004 and 2006. Together, these five votes boosted the federal debt limit by nearly $3.5 trillion. (H.R. 2015, Roll Call Vote #209, 7/31/97; S. 2578, Roll Call Vote #148, 6/11/02; H. J. Res. 51, Roll Call Vote #202, 5/23/03; S. 2986, Roll Call Vote #213, 11/17/04; H. J. Res. 47, Roll Call Vote #54, 3/16/06; Mindy R. Leavit, “The Debt Limit: History and Recent Increases,” Congressional Research Service, 9/9/11)
Rick Santorum voted for billions in waste, including the “Bridge to Nowhere.”
FACT: “Santorum was a prolific supporter of earmarks, having requested billions of dollars for pork projects in Pennsylvania while he was in Congress.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Rick Santorum)
FACT: “The announcements flowed out of Rick Santorum’s Senate office: a $3.5 million federal grant to Piasecki Aircraft to help it test a new helicopter propeller technology; another $3.5 million to JLG Industries to bolster its bid to build all-terrain forklifts for the military; $1.4 million to Medico Industries to upgrade equipment for its munitions work. … But an examination of Mr. Santorum’s earmark record sheds light on another aspect of his political personality, one that is at odds with the reformer image he has tried to convey on the trail: his prowess as a Washington insider. A review of some of his earmarks, viewed alongside his political donations, suggests that the river of federal money Mr. Santorum helped direct to Pennsylvania paid off handsomely in the form of campaign cash.” (Michael Luo and Mike McIntire, The New York Times, 1/15/12)
FACT: Santorum voted for the 2005 highway bill, which included hundreds of earmarks, including the bridge to nowhere, a teapot museum. (H.R. 3, Roll Call Vote #220, 7/29/05)
FACT: Santorum supported the “Bridge to Nowhere” – twice. Santorum “voted for the 2005 highway bill that included thousands of wasteful earmarks, including the Bridge to Nowhere. In fact, in a separate vote, Santorum had the audacity to vote to continue funding the Bridge to Nowhere rather than send the money to rebuild New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Rick Santorum)
FACT: Santorum admitted he voted for bridge, and defended vote: “People say that I voted for ‘The Bridge to Nowhere.’ I did. I went with the federalist argument, which is, ‘Who am I in Pennsylvania to tell Alaska what their highway priorities should be?’” (William Petroski, Des Moines Register, 12/29/11)
In a single session, Rick Santorum co-sponsored 51 bills to increase spending … And zero to cut spending.
FACT: “In the 2003-2004 session of Congress, Santorum sponsored or cosponsored 51 bills to increase spending, and failed to sponsor or co-sponsor even one spending cut proposal.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Former Senator Rick Santorum)
Rick Santorum even voted to raise his own pay.
FACT: “Santorum also supported raising congressional pay at least three times, in 2001, 2002, and 2003.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Former Senator Rick Santorum)
FACT: Santorum voted three times – in 2001, 2002 and 2003 – to preserve Congressional pay increases. (Roll Call Vote #360, 12/7/01; Roll Call Vote #242, 11/13/02; Roll Call Vote #406, 10/23/03)
Rick Santorum joined Hillary Clinton to let convicted felons vote.
FACT: In 2002, Santorum voted “to secure the Federal voting rights of certain qualified persons who have served their sentences.” Santorum was one of only three Republican senators to vote with Sen. Hillary Clinton for the measure, which failed in the Senate. (S. 565, Roll Call Vote #31, 2/14/02)
FACT: Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV), who sponsored the measure, on the purpose of his amendment: “Basically what this amendment does is ensure that ex-felons, people who have fully served their sentences, have completed their probation, have completed their parole, should not be denied their right to vote.” (Sen. Harry Reid, Remarks on the Senate Floor, 2/14/02)
Rick Santorum voted to raise the debt limit five times.
FACT: Santorum voted to increase the debt ceiling in 1997, 2002, 2003, 2004 and 2006. Together, these five votes boosted the federal debt limit by nearly $3.5 trillion. (H.R. 2015, Roll Call Vote #209, 7/31/97; S. 2578, Roll Call Vote #148, 6/11/02; H. J. Res. 51, Roll Call Vote #202, 5/23/03; S. 2986, Roll Call Vote #213, 11/17/04; H. J. Res. 47, Roll Call Vote #54, 3/16/06; Mindy R. Leavit, “The Debt Limit: History and Recent Increases,” Congressional Research Service, 9/9/11)
Rick Santorum voted for billions in waste, including the “Bridge to Nowhere.”
FACT: “Santorum was a prolific supporter of earmarks, having requested billions of dollars for pork projects in Pennsylvania while he was in Congress.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Rick Santorum)
FACT: “The announcements flowed out of Rick Santorum’s Senate office: a $3.5 million federal grant to Piasecki Aircraft to help it test a new helicopter propeller technology; another $3.5 million to JLG Industries to bolster its bid to build all-terrain forklifts for the military; $1.4 million to Medico Industries to upgrade equipment for its munitions work. … But an examination of Mr. Santorum’s earmark record sheds light on another aspect of his political personality, one that is at odds with the reformer image he has tried to convey on the trail: his prowess as a Washington insider. A review of some of his earmarks, viewed alongside his political donations, suggests that the river of federal money Mr. Santorum helped direct to Pennsylvania paid off handsomely in the form of campaign cash.” (Michael Luo and Mike McIntire, The New York Times, 1/15/12)
FACT: Santorum voted for the 2005 highway bill, which included hundreds of earmarks, including the bridge to nowhere, a teapot museum. (H.R. 3, Roll Call Vote #220, 7/29/05)
FACT: Santorum supported the “Bridge to Nowhere” – twice. Santorum “voted for the 2005 highway bill that included thousands of wasteful earmarks, including the Bridge to Nowhere. In fact, in a separate vote, Santorum had the audacity to vote to continue funding the Bridge to Nowhere rather than send the money to rebuild New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Rick Santorum)
FACT: Santorum admitted he voted for bridge, and defended vote: “People say that I voted for ‘The Bridge to Nowhere.’ I did. I went with the federalist argument, which is, ‘Who am I in Pennsylvania to tell Alaska what their highway priorities should be?’” (William Petroski, Des Moines Register, 12/29/11)
In a single session, Rick Santorum co-sponsored 51 bills to increase spending … And zero to cut spending.
FACT: “In the 2003-2004 session of Congress, Santorum sponsored or cosponsored 51 bills to increase spending, and failed to sponsor or co-sponsor even one spending cut proposal.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Former Senator Rick Santorum)
Rick Santorum even voted to raise his own pay.
FACT: “Santorum also supported raising congressional pay at least three times, in 2001, 2002, and 2003.” (Club for Growth, 2012 Presidential White Paper #4, Former Senator Rick Santorum)
FACT: Santorum voted three times – in 2001, 2002 and 2003 – to preserve Congressional pay increases. (Roll Call Vote #360, 12/7/01; Roll Call Vote #242, 11/13/02; Roll Call Vote #406, 10/23/03)
Rick Santorum joined Hillary Clinton to let convicted felons vote.
FACT: In 2002, Santorum voted “to secure the Federal voting rights of certain qualified persons who have served their sentences.” Santorum was one of only three Republican senators to vote with Sen. Hillary Clinton for the measure, which failed in the Senate. (S. 565, Roll Call Vote #31, 2/14/02)
FACT: Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV), who sponsored the measure, on the purpose of his amendment: “Basically what this amendment does is ensure that ex-felons, people who have fully served their sentences, have completed their probation, have completed their parole, should not be denied their right to vote.” (Sen. Harry Reid, Remarks on the Senate Floor, 2/14/02)
Source-Wikipedia/Rick Santorum
Richard John "Rick" Santorum (born May 10, 1958) is an American Republican Party politician. He served as a United States Senator representing Pennsylvania from 1995 to 2007, and is a candidate for the 2012 Republican Party presidential nomination.
Born in Virginia, Rick Santorum was raised primarily in Butler, Pennsylvania. He completed his undergraduate degree at the Pennsylvania State University, earned an MBA from the University of Pittsburgh, and received his JD degree from the Dickinson School of Law. Santorum entered the legal profession, working for Kirkpatrick & Lockhart. He married Karen Garver in 1990 and they are the parents of eight children, one of whom died shortly after birth. Santorum was elected to U.S. House of Representatives on behalf of Pennsylvania's 18th congressional district in 1991 and became of a member of what became known as the "Gang of Seven". Santorum was elected a United States Senator for Pennsylvania in 1994 and served there until losing re-election to the position in 2006.
Santorum holds socially conservative positions, including opposition to same-sex marriage[4][5][6] and birth control.[7][8] In the Senate, he voted for tax cuts and a balanced budget amendment, and played a leading role in enacting welfare reform.[9][10][11] He also supported programs in education and transportation.[9][10]
In the years following his departure from the Senate, Santorum worked as a consultant, private practice lawyer, and news contributor. In June 2011, Santorum announced that he would run for the 2012 Republican president nomination. As a presidential candidate, he has emphasized fiscal restraint[9][10] and expressed hawkish views regarding Iran.[12] Despite running in the bottom tier of candidates for several months, he won the caucuses in Iowa, Minnesota, Colorado and the Missouri primary,[13][14] and quickly rose to the top of national polls.[15]
Early Life and Education
Rick Santorum is the middle of the three children of Aldo Santorum (1923–2011), a clinical psychologist who immigrated to the United States at age seven from Riva del Garda, Italy,[16] and Catherine (Dughi) Santorum (1918–), an administrative nurse[16][17][18] of Italian American and Irish American descent.[19]
Santorum was born in Winchester, Virginia,[20] and grew up in Berkeley County, West Virginia and Butler County, Pennsylvania. As a Butler Area public schools student he was nicknamed "Rooster," supposedly for both for a cowlick strand of hair and an assertive nature, particularly on important political issues.[21][22][23][24] After his parents transferred to the Naval Station Great Lakes in northern Illinois, Santorum attended the Roman Catholic Carmel High School in Mundelein, Illinois for one year, graduating in 1976.[25]
Santorum attended Pennsylvania State University for his undergraduate studies, serving as chairman of the university's College Republicans chapter and graduating with a Bachelor of Arts with honors in political science in 1980.[26] He then completed a one-year Master of Business Administration program at the University of Pittsburgh's Joseph M. Katz Graduate School of Business, graduating in 1981.
Santorum received a JD with honors from the Dickinson School of Law in 1986.[27]
Richard John "Rick" Santorum (born May 10, 1958) is an American Republican Party politician. He served as a United States Senator representing Pennsylvania from 1995 to 2007, and is a candidate for the 2012 Republican Party presidential nomination.
Born in Virginia, Rick Santorum was raised primarily in Butler, Pennsylvania. He completed his undergraduate degree at the Pennsylvania State University, earned an MBA from the University of Pittsburgh, and received his JD degree from the Dickinson School of Law. Santorum entered the legal profession, working for Kirkpatrick & Lockhart. He married Karen Garver in 1990 and they are the parents of eight children, one of whom died shortly after birth. Santorum was elected to U.S. House of Representatives on behalf of Pennsylvania's 18th congressional district in 1991 and became of a member of what became known as the "Gang of Seven". Santorum was elected a United States Senator for Pennsylvania in 1994 and served there until losing re-election to the position in 2006.
Santorum holds socially conservative positions, including opposition to same-sex marriage[4][5][6] and birth control.[7][8] In the Senate, he voted for tax cuts and a balanced budget amendment, and played a leading role in enacting welfare reform.[9][10][11] He also supported programs in education and transportation.[9][10]
In the years following his departure from the Senate, Santorum worked as a consultant, private practice lawyer, and news contributor. In June 2011, Santorum announced that he would run for the 2012 Republican president nomination. As a presidential candidate, he has emphasized fiscal restraint[9][10] and expressed hawkish views regarding Iran.[12] Despite running in the bottom tier of candidates for several months, he won the caucuses in Iowa, Minnesota, Colorado and the Missouri primary,[13][14] and quickly rose to the top of national polls.[15]
Early Life and Education
Rick Santorum is the middle of the three children of Aldo Santorum (1923–2011), a clinical psychologist who immigrated to the United States at age seven from Riva del Garda, Italy,[16] and Catherine (Dughi) Santorum (1918–), an administrative nurse[16][17][18] of Italian American and Irish American descent.[19]
Santorum was born in Winchester, Virginia,[20] and grew up in Berkeley County, West Virginia and Butler County, Pennsylvania. As a Butler Area public schools student he was nicknamed "Rooster," supposedly for both for a cowlick strand of hair and an assertive nature, particularly on important political issues.[21][22][23][24] After his parents transferred to the Naval Station Great Lakes in northern Illinois, Santorum attended the Roman Catholic Carmel High School in Mundelein, Illinois for one year, graduating in 1976.[25]
Santorum attended Pennsylvania State University for his undergraduate studies, serving as chairman of the university's College Republicans chapter and graduating with a Bachelor of Arts with honors in political science in 1980.[26] He then completed a one-year Master of Business Administration program at the University of Pittsburgh's Joseph M. Katz Graduate School of Business, graduating in 1981.
Santorum received a JD with honors from the Dickinson School of Law in 1986.[27]
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